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More Kids Are in ERs for Tooth Pain. Trump Cuts and RFK Jr.’s Anti-Fluoride Fight Aren’t Helping.

Eight-year-old Jonah woke up one May morning with a swollen face and a toothache. He refused the pain medication that his mom, Geneva Reynolds, tried to give him. He didn’t sleep or eat and cried constantly.

Within a few days, Reynolds became so desperate that she and her husband had to physically restrain Jonah, dumping pain medication down his throat as he screamed in pain.

“It broke our hearts,” said Reynolds, who lived in Georgetown, Kentucky, at the time. “And I remember just thinking that it shouldn’t have to come to that.”

Reynolds couldn’t find a dentist with an opening who could treat Jonah, who is autistic and often resists dental exams due to hypersensitivity and anxiety. Over the course of five days, Reynolds took Jonah twice to a nearby emergency room as he struggled with persistent pain and a fever due to a likely infected tooth with an exposed nerve. The ER had no dentists; both times, the family was sent home with only pain medication and an ice pack.

Across the nation, more children are entering ERs for preventable tooth problems. Dentists, hygienists, and researchers attributed that trend to a shortage of pediatric dental care professionals in rural areas and worsening oral hygiene since the covid-19 pandemic. Tens of thousands of kids end up in the hospital for dental emergencies each year, according to Melissa Burroughs, senior director of policy and advocacy at the national health nonprofit CareQuest Institute for Oral Health.

ER visits for tooth problems unrelated to physical injuries rose almost 60% nationally for children under 15 years old from 2019 to 2022, according to a report released late last year by CareQuest. And local data reflects that national trend: At Children’s Hospital Colorado in the Denver area, nontraumatic dental cases, such as cavities or gum infections, in its ER increased 175% from 2010 to 2025, according to hospital spokesperson Sarah Bonar. In Kentucky, where Jonah lives, children’s visits to the ER for dental problems rose 72% from 2020 to 2024, according to the state.

Policy changes under the Trump administration are poised to worsen the trend. President Donald Trump’s 2025 federal budget reconciliation law, known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, called for billions in cuts from Medicaid, which may force states to limit or drop dental coverage from the public insurance program for those with low incomes or disabilities. New eligibility requirements for Medicaid in some states could affect kids’ access to dental care, even though children are guaranteed dental coverage under the program. Research shows that when parents lose Medicaid, even kids with coverage are more likely to have untreated cavities and less likely to go to a dentist.

The Trump administration has also promoted skepticism about fluoride. Decades of research show that fluoride in drinking water and topical fluoride treatments dramatically reduce tooth decay and prevent caviti

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Más niños llegan a salas de emergencias con dolor de muelas. Los recortes de Trump y la lucha anti flúor de RFK Jr. no ayudan

Jonah, de 8 años, se despertó una mañana de mayo con la cara hinchada y dolor de muelas. Se negó a tomar el medicamento para el dolor que su mamá, Geneva Reynolds, trató de darle. No dormía ni comía y lloraba sin parar.

En pocos días, Reynolds estaba tan desesperada que ella y su esposo tuvieron que sujetar físicamente a Jonah para obligarlo a tomar el remedio, echándoselo en la garganta mientras él gritaba de dolor.

“Nos rompió el corazón”, contó Reynolds, que en ese momento vivía en Georgetown, Kentucky. “Y recuerdo que pensé que no debería tener que llegar a eso”.

Reynolds no pudo encontrar un dentista con una cita disponible que pudiera atender a Jonah, que es autista y a menudo se resiste a los exámenes dentales por hipersensibilidad y ansiedad. Durante cinco días, Reynolds llevó a Jonah dos veces a una sala de emergencias cercana, mientras el niño lidiaba con un dolor persistente y fiebre por lo que probablemente fuera un diente infectado con un nervio expuesto.

En la sala de emergencias no había dentistas; las dos veces la familia regresó a casa solo con analgésicos y una bolsa de hielo.

En todo el país, cada vez más niños llegan a las salas de emergencias por problemas dentales prevenibles. Dentistas, higienistas e investigadores atribuyen esa tendencia a la falta de profesionales de odontología pediátrica en zonas rurales y a un deterioro de la higiene bucal desde la pandemia de covid-19.

Decenas de miles de niños terminan en el hospital por emergencias dentales cada año, según Melissa Burroughs, directora sénior de políticas y defensa del paciente de la organización nacional sin fines de lucro CareQuest Institute for Oral Health.

Las visitas a salas de emergencias por problemas dentales no relacionados con lesiones físicas aumentaron casi un 60% a nivel nacional en niños menores de 15 años entre 2019 y 2022, según un informe publicado a finales del año pasado por CareQuest.

Los datos locales reflejan esa tendencia nacional.

En el Hospital de Niños de Colorado, en el área de Denver, los casos dentales no traumáticos —como caries o infecciones de encías— atendidos en la sala de emergencias aumentaron un 175% entre 2010 y 2025, según Sarah Bonar, vocera del hospital.

En Kentucky, donde vive Jonah, las visitas de niños a salas de emergencia por problemas dentales aumentaron un 72 % entre 2020 y 2024, según los registros del estado.

Los cambios de política ejecutados por el gobierno de Donald Trump podrían empeorar la tendencia.

La ley de reconciliación presupuestaria federal de 2025 impulsada por el presidente, conocida como One Big Beautiful Bill Act, pidió recortes de miles de millones de dólares a Medicaid, lo que podría obligar a los estados a limitar o eliminar la cobertura dental del programa de salud pública para personas con bajos ingresos o con discapacidades.

Nuevos requisitos de elegibilidad de Medicaid en a

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Newsom se enfrenta a Trump y RFK Jr. por la salud pública

SACRAMENTO, California — El gobernador de California, Gavin Newsom, se ha posicionado como un líder nacional en salud pública al impulsar políticas respaldadas por la ciencia, en contraste con la administración Trump.

Después de que Robert F. Kennedy Jr., secretario del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos (HHS, por sus siglas en inglés), despidiera a Susan Monarez, directora de los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC, por sus siglas en inglé), por negarse a lo que sus abogados calificaron como “la peligrosa politización de la ciencia”, Newsom la contrató para ayudar a modernizar el sistema de salud pública de California.

También dio trabajo a Debra Houry, ex directora científica y médica de la agencia, quien había renunciado en protesta pocas horas después del despido de Monarez.

Newsom también se asoció con los gobernadores demócratas Tina Kotek, de Oregon; Bob Ferguson, de Washington; y Josh Green, de Hawaii para formar la West Coast Health Alliance, una agencia regional de salud pública.

Los gobernadores dijeron que sus recomendaciones “defenderán la integridad científica en la salud pública mientras Trump destruye” la credibilidad de los CDC. Newsom argumentó que crear la alianza independiente era vital mientras Kennedy lidera el retroceso de las recomendaciones nacionales de vacunación de la administración Trump.

Más recientemente, California se convirtió en el primer estado en unirse a una red mundial de respuesta a brotes coordinada por la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), seguido por Illinois y Nueva York. Colorado y Wisconsin indicaron que planean unirse.

Esto ocurrió después de que el presidente Donald Trump retirara oficialmente a Estados Unidos de la agencia, argumentando que la OMS “se ha desviado de su misión principal y ha actuado en contra de los intereses de Estados Unidos para proteger al público estadounidense en múltiples ocasiones”.

Newsom dijo que unirse al consorcio liderado por la OMS permitirá a California responder más rápido a brotes de enfermedades contagiosas y a otras amenazas a la salud pública.

Aunque otros gobernadores demócratas y líderes de salud pública han criticado abiertamente al gobierno federal, pocos han sido tan directos como Newsom, quien considera postularse a la presidencia en 2028 y está en su segundo y último mandato como gobernador.

Miembros de la comunidad científica han elogiado su esfuerzo por construir una defensa de salud pública frente a los recortes de financiamiento y la reducción de las recomendaciones de vacunas por parte del gobierno federal.

Lo que está haciendo Newsom “es una gran idea”, dijo Paul Offit, crítico de Kennedy y experto en vacunas que anteriormente formó parte del comité asesor de vacunas de la Administración de Alimentos y Medicamentos (FDA, por sus siglas en inglés), pero fue removido bajo la administración Trump en 2

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Newsom Picks a Dogfight With Trump and RFK Jr. on Public Health

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — California Gov. Gavin Newsom has positioned himself as a national public health leader by staking out science-backed policies in contrast with the Trump administration.

After Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. fired Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Susan Monarez for refusing what her lawyers called “the dangerous politicization of science,” Newsom hired her to help modernize California’s public health system. He also gave a job to Debra Houry, the agency’s former chief science and medical officer, who had resigned in protest hours after Monarez’s firing.

Newsom also teamed up with fellow Democratic governors Tina Kotek of Oregon, Bob Ferguson of Washington, and Josh Green of Hawaii to form the West Coast Health Alliance, a regional public health agency, whose guidance the governors said would “uphold scientific integrity in public health as Trump destroys” the CDC’s credibility. Newsom argued establishing the independent alliance was vital as Kennedy leads the Trump administration’s rollback of national vaccine recommendations.

More recently, California became the first state to join a global outbreak response network coordinated by the World Health Organization, followed by Illinois and New York. Colorado and Wisconsin signaled they plan to join. They did so after President Donald Trump officially withdrew the United States from the agency on the grounds that it had “strayed from its core mission and has acted contrary to the U.S. interests in protecting the U.S. public on multiple occasions.” Newsom said joining the WHO-led consortium would enable California to respond faster to communicable disease outbreaks and other public health threats.

Although other Democratic governors and public health leaders have openly criticized the federal government, few have been as outspoken as Newsom, who is considering a run for president in 2028 and is in his second and final term as governor. Members of the scientific community have praised his effort to build a public health bulwark against the Trump administration’s slashing of funding and scaling back of vaccine recommendations.

What Newsom is doing “is a great idea,” said Paul Offit, an outspoken critic of Kennedy and a vaccine expert who formerly served on the Food and Drug Administration’s vaccine advisory committee but was removed under Trump in 2025.

“Public health has been turned on its head,” Offit said. “We have an anti-vaccine activist and science denialist as the head of U.S. Health and Human Services. It’s dangerous.”

The White House did not respond to questions about Newsom’s stance and HHS declined requests to interview Kennedy. Instead, federal health officials criticized Democrats broadly, arguing that blue states are participating in fraud and mismanagement of federal funds in public health programs.

HHS spokesperson Emily Hilliard said the adminis

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The NIH Workforce Is Its Smallest in Decades. Here’s the Work Left Behind.

The National Institutes of Health has lost thousands of workers since President Donald Trump began his second term.

Among them: scientists who pioneered cancer treatments, researched tick-borne diseases, or worked to prevent tobacco use.

We spoke to a half dozen scientists who said they left the agency because of the tumult of 2025 and talked about the work they left behind. They say the exodus from the world’s largest public funder of biomedical research will harm the nation’s ability to respond to illness.

“People are going to get hurt,” said Sylvia Chou, a scientist who worked at the National Cancer Institute in Rockville, Maryland, for over 15 years before she left in January. “There’s going to be a lot more health challenges and even deaths, because we need science in order to help people get healthy.”

The NIH consists of 27 institutes and centers, each with a different focus. Major research areas include cancer; infectious diseases; aging-related diseases such as Alzheimer’s; heart, lung, and blood diseases; and general medicine.

Over decades, the value of the NIH may be the one thing everyone in Washington has agreed on. Lawmakers have routinely boosted its funding — even for this fiscal year, in defiance of the White House, which had proposed cutting the agency’s funding by 40%.

Our reporting showed that, nonetheless, the Trump administration’s actions to curb certain research and push out scientists perceived as disloyal are having far-reaching repercussions. The NIH workforce stands at about 17,100 people — its lowest level in at least two decades.

Scientists across specializations outlined challenges that made them decide to leave. They included delays in accessing research equipment and supplies, the termination of funds for topics the Trump administration deemed off-limits, and delayed or denied travel authorizations.

Even research aligned with the Trump administration’s stated priorities has suffered, they said. They questioned whether the NIH could continue to fulfill its mission to “enhance health, lengthen life, and reduce illness.”

“It’s clear when someone comes out with a drug and now you’ve just cured a disease. But you never know which ones could have been cured,” said Daniel Dulebohn, a researcher who spent nearly two decades at Rocky Mountain Laboratories in Hamilton, Montana. “We don’t know what we’ve lost.”

Dulebohn left the NIH’s infectious disease and allergy institute in September and is considering leaving the scientific field altogether.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.USE OUR CONTENTThis story can be republished for free (details).

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This Doctor-Senator Who Backed RFK Jr. Now Faces a Fight for His Job — And His Legacy

BATON ROUGE, La. — The ambitious liver doctor would go just about anywhere in his home state to give people the hepatitis B vaccine.

Bill Cassidy offered jabs to thousands of inmates at Louisiana’s maximum-security prison in the early 2000s. A decade before that, he set up vaccine clinics in middle schools, a model hailed nationally as a success.

“He got that whole generation immunized in East Baton Rouge,” said Holley Galland, a retired doctor who worked with Cassidy vaccinating schoolchildren.

About the same time, a lawyer and environmental activist with a famous last name was starting to build the loyal anti-vaccine coalition that, two decades later, would move President Donald Trump to nominate him as the nation’s top health official.

Today, a year after now-Sen. Cassidy warily cast the vote that ensured Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s ascension to that role, the Louisiana Republican’s life’s work — in medicine and in politics — is unraveling.

Newborn hepatitis B vaccination rates in the U.S. had plunged to 73% as of August, down 10 percentage points since a February 2023 high, according to research published in JAMA last month. In December, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Advisory Committee for Immunization Practices — remade by Kennedy — voted to revoke a two-decade-old recommendation that all newborns get the shot.

The next month, Trump endorsed U.S. Rep. Julia Letlow, a Cassidy challenger in what’s shaping up to be a competitive Republican Senate primary. Letlow’s foray into politics began in 2021 when she took the seat won by her husband, left vacant after he died from covid.

KFF Health News made multiple requests for comment from Cassidy over three months. His staff declined to make him available for an interview or provide comment. Letlow’s campaign did not respond to requests for comment.

Rise of the Skeptics

As the May primary nears, some Louisiana doctors are worried they’ve begun a long trek down a dark road when it comes to vaccine-preventable diseases.

Last year, on the day Kennedy was sworn in a thousand miles away in Washington, Louisiana’s health department stopped promoting vaccines, halting its clinics and advertising. Its communications about an ongoing whooping cough outbreak in the state have nearly ceased. It took months for the state to announce last year that two infants had died from the illness. A Louisiana child’s death from the flu was confirmed this January, and a couple of cases of measles were reported last year.

Spokespeople for the Louisiana Department of Health did not respond to questions.

“It’s so hard to see children get sick from illnesses that they should have never gotten in the first place,” said Mikki Bouquet, a pediatrician in Baton Rouge. “You want to just scream into the void of this community over how they failed this child.”

As anti-vaccine forces have taken hold of the state and fe